Wave of All-out Attacks by the Regime

In recent weeks, the regime, which has completely lost restraint, has launched an all-out attack to stem the rising anger and resistance. The pressure on the Kurdish movement continues to intensify with the appointment of trustees to municipalities, unlawful detentions, and the terror unleashed against Kurdish journalists. However, the attacks on the media are not limited to Kurdish journalists. The opposition press is being systematically intimidated through various forms of pressure. As seen in the detention of the editor-in-chief and two publication coordinators of the Birgün newspaper, journalists are being detained on flimsy pretexts, while house arrests or judicial control measures are becoming commonplace, all in an attempt to bring the media under tight control. The head of RTÜK (Radio and Television Supreme Council) has targeted opposition news anchors, threatening to impose the highest penalties on those who refuse to comply. The regime's unrestrained pressure, censorship, and self-censorship are not enough to satisfy it. Street interviews showing reactions against Erdoğan have led to widespread detentions and arrests, while even a well-known female astrologer has been arrested for allegedly “insulting Bahçeli and Erdoğan!” All of this reveals the depth of their fears.

Finally, the Metropolitan Mayor Abdullah Zeydan was sentenced to 3 years and 9 months in prison based on fabricated allegations, and a trustee was appointed to the Van Metropolitan Municipality. While the people of Van protested this seizure by holding vigils day and night, more than 120 people were detained. The fascist regime, which has appointed trustees to 11 municipalities in Kurdish provinces within 11 months, has also escalated its pressure on municipalities elected through “urban consensus” in the west. On February 10, in many districts of Istanbul, 10 people, including deputy mayors and municipal council members from CHP-run municipalities, were detained and, two days later, arrested on terrorism charges and sent to prison. Among them were the deputy mayors of Kartal and Ataşehir. The alleged connections to terrorism are nothing but the despicable lies that have become a hallmark of the fascist regime. The prosecutor’s office, acting as a mouthpiece, has labelled the alliance made by the CHP with the DEM Party under the name of “urban consensus” in some regions during the local elections as a “terror alliance,” citing the PKK’s endorsement of this electoral strategy as evidence. They are criminalizing the entirely legal formation, the Peoples’ Democratic Congress (HDK), by claiming it is “an alternative assembly to the Turkish Grand National Assembly,” “a front organization composed of legal extensions of terrorist organizations,” and directed by a terrorist organization.” The fact that 8 of the arrested municipal council members are affiliated with the HDK is being used as justification for these accusations. These charges indicate that a much broader wave of attacks against social opposition, particularly the Kurdish political movement, could be expected in the coming period.[*]

The attitude displayed towards the defiant textile workers in Antep these days is consistent with this approach. Seeking to prevent the striking workers from gathering and spreading their resistance, the regime wasted no time in imposing a 15-day ban on protests in the city through the Governor’s Office. Shortly after this ban was announced at midnight, the resistance tents were torn down by the police, and the workers were prevented from making a joint statement by police barricades. In an attempt to intimidate the workers, Mehmet Türkmen, the General President of the BİRTEK-SEN union, which supports the workers in this struggle, was detained.

The regime, in its over-the-top reaction to criticism directed at itself, did not spare TÜSİAD (Turkish Industry and Business Association) either. The political criticisms aimed at the government during TÜSİAD’s general assembly on February 13 were met with a disproportionate response. Not content with the scathing statements from the Minister of Justice and the government spokesperson, the regime went so far as to launch an investigation against Ömer Aras, the Chairman of TÜSİAD’s High Advisory Council, on charges of “attempting to influence fair trial” and “publicly disseminating false information.”

In his speech at the general assembly, Ömer Aras stated that extraordinary events had taken place in political life in recent weeks and said the following: “Elected mayors are being removed from office and replaced with trustees. (...) Journalists who publish expert witness reports are being detained, and editors-in-chief are being arrested. Recently graduated lieutenants are being expelled from the military. We can say that these consecutive events in such a short time have caused concern in society and shaken trust.”

TÜSİAD President Orhan Turan also drew attention to the following points in addition to the above: “News of investigations into critical statements and journalistic activities has become increasingly frequent. (...) New ones are constantly being added to the number of imprisoned MPs, political party leaders and mayors. Lieutenants are dismissed for indiscipline, but in many incidents that cause public outrage, such as earthquakes, fires, harassment, femicides and work accidents, the guilty parties are either not found or released in a short time. (...) We are witnessing new examples of public officials, whether elected or appointed, being removed from their positions. Moreover, new legal regulations make it possible for public officials to be dismissed by the State Supervisory Council and for trustees to be appointed to companies by the TMSF (Savings Deposit Insurance Fund). Reports of corruption, fraud, and black market activities are endless. It seems that forming an organization for criminal purposes has become easier than setting up a company.”

Shortly after these speeches, Justice Minister Yılmaz Tunç, while paying lip service to democracy, the rule of law, and judicial independence, accused the TÜSİAD administration of “attempting to influence the judiciary and politics.” He also brandished a stick with the statement, “Turkey is not the old Turkey; no one and no institution can place themselves above the will of the people and the law.” The swinging stick was promptly delivered to its target the very next day with an investigation launched by the “independent judiciary.” Meanwhile, the pro-government business association MÜSİAD appeared to carry out what seemed to be an order from above, issuing a written statement claiming that TÜSİAD’s remarks were “far from the focus of economic development and the business world, damaging social harmony,” and were of a “political manifesto” nature.

Time will tell how firmly TÜSİAD will stand behind the criticisms voiced by its executives. We know that they are directly responsible for some of the crimes committed by the regime they criticize today, and they have remained silent on others, allowing them to happen. They did not raise their voices when democratic rights were being curtailed, strikes were being banned, or the minimum wage was turned into an average wage and reduced to a poverty wage. On the contrary, they congratulated the government with hearty laughter and grinning faces. They enjoyed the profits of trillions made possible by the incentives and policies implemented by the government. Now, however, it seems their concerns have grown, both due to the intensifying economic crisis and the rising social backlash, leading them to believe that this situation cannot continue as it is. Additionally, as highlighted in the speeches, it is clear that the regime’s potential groundwork for targeting TÜSİAD capital, such as the powers granted to the TMSF to appoint trustees to companies, is also causing anxiety.

The fascist regime, trapped in its growing impasses, is targeting all opposition groups to sustain its existence. In the face of the regime’s all-out attacks, the working people have no choice but to embark on an all-out struggle through their own independent class interests and their own independent class organisations.